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Here is Frankenberg:. If you want an up-close view of neo-colonialism take a ride on the M bus down Lexington Avenue through the Upper East Side and listen to the way that 4-and-5 year old white children speak to the mostly Black and Latina women employed to take care of them. It is clear that these interactions are part of the system of material relationships linked sustained in large measure by the white women in these households.

There is excellent research that offers an important corrective to the conventional narrative about the Friedan-inspired second wave of feminism.

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Tags: Betty Friedan , second wave , white feminism. I find that many white women struggle with the fear of naming their struggles as specifically white. They seem to fear that without linking arms metaphorically with women of color, they have no place to stand in a struggle. Ironically, this attempt to move away from racism only leads to universalizing the white experience, or taking up struggles that do not belong to us. While I admire these critiques written by women of color—of course, and think that every self-respecting white feminist must read them—it is nice to see that 1 white women truly are capable of self-reflection, of digging into our own racist and classist histories honestly, and 2 this can be done without dismissing the fact that even white, middle class women suffer under gendered oppression.

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I think this is excellent theory and excellent scholarship. I think you tackle this challenge beautifully. Yet Roth's attention to the contingencies of the movement's emergence once again succeeds in identifying critical differences that set Chicana feminists on a "separate road. Thus, "Chicana feminists were not hampered" in their efforts "by the necessity of challenging a government-sponsored attack on their community" p.

Separate Roads to Feminism

Indeed, one of the central tenets of Chicana feminism was the need to reorganize the family around the requirements of the racial and ethnic struggle; this led not so much to the development of a Chicana version of the "vanguard center" as to an emphasis on the historical and cultural precedents for Mexican-American women's political activism pp. Another factor arising from historical circumstances was the absence of a separate system of Mexican-American universities; first-generation college students encountered "settings where Chicanas and Chicanos were vastly outnumbered by whites" p.

These factors prompted Chicanas to identify "a greater political presence in the wider Chicano movement" as their primary goal, to be achieved "both by organizing in autonomous groups and in women's caucuses within mixed Chicano organizations" p. This priority led not only to distance between Chicana and Euro-American feminist collectives, but also to only occasional cooperation with African American feminists as well.

Roth's project is an ambitious one. She sets for herself the challenge of problematizing the question of the reference group of feminists of color, presenting the concise history of the formation of three distinct movements, and addressing the political economy of American radicalism as a factor in the formation of these three movements--all within the sharply delimited space of a single monograph. Yet, it should be clear that she has succeeded in crafting a persuasive and thought-provoking argument.

Her achievement should inspire historians of the second wave to address the histories of Chicana and African-American feminism in greater depth, and to move beyond the tendency to regard the emergence of multiple movements as only a reaction to white feminists' insensitivity to racial and class differences.

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  4. Scholarship based on the assumption that they should have Furthermore, Roth's insight that "prior [mixed-gender] movements gift[ed] feminists with skills and contacts, while burdening them with loyalties to an existing community and potential constrainsts on feminist activity" should prompt historians to revisit existing accounts of feminists breaking away from the Left.

    Roth argues that the breakaway took longer, in structural terms, than do other accounts.

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    I would suggest that, in ideological and theoretical terms, separation from the Left remained incomplete throughout the s. If Roth chose not to develop this argument, it is partly because she focuses on the obstacles to be overcome by feminists organizing within the context of "parent" movements.

    Productive as it is, this focus does not succeed in framing woman-identification as the sea-change in perspective that it was, one brought about by Euro-American lesbian-feminist dramatization of heterosexism within their movement, and the nearly simultaneous wave of consciousness-raising on sexual violence in This sea-change is significant to Roth's project, because, as she recognizes, its turbulence influenced the entire intermovement political field within which women of color also labored.

    If the source of this turbulence does not stand out as boldly as it might in Roth's account of white feminism, it is also because she employs the terminology of sex-role theory though she prefers the updated form, gender roles to represent the historical agency of feminists who were whittling away at its foundations well before they discarded its terminology.

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    An earlier generation of historians of women only gradually untangled themselves from "separate spheres" terminology, recognizing it as "a trope, employed by people in the past to characterize power relations for which they had no other words Discussion of the limitations imposed by a weak link in the interpretive chain should not, however, obscure the strength of the other links that Roth has fashioned. Her capacity to problematize widely accepted approaches to the study of the second wave enables us to see that field anew.

    After this, the currently accepted answers to the question of why organizationally distinct feminisms took shape in the s and s will not entirely suffice. Even those who ultimately do not accept Roth's interpretation of separate organizations as separate movements will have to come to terms with her cogent critique of the single-movement hypothesis.

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    Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in America's Second Wave

    Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and other First Nations people are advised that this catalogue contains names, recordings and images of deceased people and other content that may be culturally sensitive. Book , Online , Online - Google Books. Sample text Broken link? Table of contents Broken link? Publisher description Broken link?

    A bite-sized guide to Second Wave Feminism - all about women 2018

    To whom do you refer? The 'fourth world' is born: intra-movement experience, oppositional political communities and the emergence of the white women's liberation movement 3. The vanguard center: intra-movement experience and the emergence of black feminism 4. Las Feministas: intra-movement experience and the emergence of chicana feminism 5. Organizing one's own: the competitive social movement sector and the rise of organizationally different feminist movements Conclusion: revisiting and 're-visioning' second-wave feminisms Appendix: interviews and oral histories.